Quarrels of the English Barons—The Interdict—John crushes and starves
an Archdeacon to Death—King John's Visit to Ireland—He starves the
Wife and Son of Earl de Braose to Death—Henry de Londres—The Poet
O'Daly—Obituaries of Good Men—Henry III.—Regulations about the
Viceroy—The Scorch Villain—Scandalous Conduct of the Viceroys—Three
Claimants for Connaught—Death of Hugh Crovderg—Felim
O'Connor—Henry's Foreign Advisers—Plots against the Earl of
Pembroke—He is wounded treacherously—His Pious Death—Misfortunes of
the Early Settlers—De Marisco's Son is hanged for High Treason, and he
dies miserably in Exile.

[A.D. 1201-1244.]


ing John was now obliged to interfere between his English barons in
Ireland, who appear to have been quite as much occupied with feuds among
themselves as the native princes. In 1201 Philip of Worcester and
William de Braose laid waste the greater part of Munster in their
quarrels. John had sold the lands of the former and of Theobald Walter
to the latter, for four thousand marks—Walter redeemed his property for
five hundred marks; Philip obtained his at the point of the sword. De
Braose had large property both in Normandy and in England. He had his
chancellor, chancery, and seal, recognizances of all pleas, not even
excepting those of the crown, with judgment of life and limb. His sons
and daughters had married into powerful families. His wife, Matilda, was
notable in domestic affairs, and a vigorous oppressor of the Welsh. A
bloody war was waged about the same time between De Lacy, De Marisco,
and the Lord Justice. Cathal Crovderg and O'Brien aided the latter in
besieging Limerick, while some of the English fortified themselves in
their castles and plundered indiscrimately.

In 1205 the Earldom of Ulster was granted to Hugh de Lacy. The grant is
inscribed on the charter roll of the seventh year of King John, and is
the earliest record now extant of the creation of an Anglo-Norman
dignity in Ireland. England was placed under an interdict in 1207, in
consequence of the violence and wickedness of its sovereign. He procured
the election of John de Grey to the see of Canterbury, a royal
favourite, and, if only for this reason, unworthy of the office. Another
party who had a share in the election chose Reginald, the Sub-Prior of
the monks of Canterbury. But when the choice was submitted to Pope
Innocent III., he rejected both candidates, and fixed on an English
Cardinal, Stephen Langton, who was at once elected, and received
consecration from the Pope himself. John was highly indignant, as might
be expected. He swore his favourite oath, "by God's teeth," that he
would cut off the noses and pluck out the eyes of any priest who
attempted to carry the Pope's decrees against him into England. But some
of the bishops, true to their God and the Church, promulgated the
interdict, and then fled to France to escape the royal vengeance. It was
well for them they did so; for Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Norwich, was
seized, and enveloped, by the royal order, in a sacerdotal vestment of
massive lead, and thus thrown into prison, where he was starved to death
beneath the crushing weight. We sometimes hear of the cruelties of the
Inquisition, of the barbarity of the Irish, of the tyranny of
priestcraft; but such cruelties, barbarities, and tyrannies, however
highly painted, pale before the savage vengeance which English kings
have exercised, on the slightest provocation, towards their unfortunate
subjects. But we have not yet heard all the refinements of cruelty which
this same monarch exercised. Soon after, John was excommunicated
personally. When he found that Philip of France was prepared to seize
his kingdom, and that his crimes had so alienated him from his own
people that he could hope for little help from them, he cringed with the
craven fear so usually found in cruel men, and made the most abject
submission. In the interval between the proclamation of the interdict
and the fulmination of the sentence of excommunication (A.D. 1210), John
visited Ireland. It may be supposed his arrival could not excite much
pleasure in the hearts of his Irish subjects, though, no doubt, he
thought it a mark of disloyalty that he should not be welcomed with
acclamations. A quarter of a century had elapsed since he first set his
foot on Irish ground. He had grown grey in profligacy, but he had not
grown wiser or better with advancing years.

The year before his arrival, Dublin had been desolated by a pestilence,
and a number of people from Bristol had taken advantage of the decrease
in the population to establish themselves there. On the Easter Monday
after their arrival, when they had assembled to amuse themselves in
Cullen's Wood, the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles rushed down upon them from the
Wicklow Mountains, and took a terrible vengeance for the many wrongs
they had suffered, by a massacre of some three hundred men. The citizens
of Bristol sent over new colonists; but the anniversary of the day was
long known as Black Monday.

The English King obtained money for his travelling expenses by extortion
from the unfortunate Jews. He landed at Crook, near Waterford, on the
20th June, 1210. His army was commanded by the Earl of Salisbury, son to
Henry I., by "Fair Rosamond," of tragic memory. De Braose fled to
England when he heard of the King's movements. Here he endeavoured to
make peace with his master, but failing to do so, he carefully avoided
putting himself in his power, and took refuge in France. His wife was
not so fortunate. After John's return to England, Matilda and her son
were seized by his command, and imprisoned at Corfe Castle, in the isle
of Pembroke. Here they were shut up in a room, with a sheaf of wheat and
a piece of raw bacon for their only provision. When the prison door was
opened on the eleventh day, they were both found dead.

De Lacy also fled before the King's visit; John took Carrickfergus
Castle from his people, and stationed a garrison of his own there.
Several Irish princes paid homage to him; amongst others we find the
names of Cathal Crovderg and Hugh O'Neill. The Norman lords were also
obliged to swear fealty, and transcripts of their oaths were placed in
the Irish Exchequer. Arrangements were also made for the military
support of the colony, and certain troops were to be furnished with
forty days' ration by all who held lands by "knight's service." The
Irish princes who lived in the southern and western parts of Ireland,
appear to have treated the King with silent indifference; they could
afford to do so, as they were so far beyond the reach of his vengeance.

John remained only sixty days in Ireland. He returned to Wales on the
26th of August, 1210, after confiding the government of the colony to
John de Grey, Bishop of Norwich, whose predilection for secular affairs
had induced the Holy See to refuse his nomination to the Archbishopric
of Canterbury. The most important act of his Viceroyalty was the
erection of a bridge and castle at Ath-Luain (Athlone). He was
succeeded, in 1213, by Henry de Londres, who had been appointed to the
see of Dublin during the preceding year. This prelate was one of those
who were the means of obtaining Magna Charta. His name appears second
on the list of counsellors who advised the grant; and he stood by the
King's side, at Runnymede, when the barons obtained the bulwark of
English liberty. It is sometimes forgotten that the clergy were the
foremost to demand it, and the most persevering in their efforts to
obtain it.

The Archbishop was now sent to Rome by the King to plead his cause
there, and to counteract, as best he might, the serious complaints made
against him by all his subjects—A.D. 1215. In 1213 Walter de Lacy
obtained the restoration of his father's property in Wales and England.
Two years later he recovered his Irish lands; but the King retained his
son, Gislebert, as hostage, and his Castle of Droicead-Atha (Drogheda).

The Irish chieftains made some stand for their rights at the close of
this reign. Cormac O'Melaghlin wrested Delvin, in Meath, from the
English. O'Neill and O'Donnell composed their difference pro tem., and
joined in attacking the invaders. In the south there was a war between
Dermod and Connor Carthy, in which the Anglo-Normans joined, and, as
usual, got the lion's share, obtaining such an increase of territory as
enabled them to erect twenty new castles in Cork and Kerry.

The Four Masters give a curious story under the year 1213. O'Donnell
More sent his steward to Connaught to collect his tribute. On his way he
visited the poet Murray O'Daly, and began to wrangle with him, "although
his lord had given him no instructions to do so." The poet's ire was
excited. He killed him on the spot with a sharp axe—an unpleasant
exhibition of literary justice—and then fled into Clanrickarde for
safety. O'Donnell determined to revenge the insult, until Mac William
(William de Burgo) submitted to him. But the poet had been sent to seek
refuge in Thomond. The chief pursued him there also, and laid siege to
Limerick.[319] The inhabitants at once expelled the murderer, who
eventually fled to Dublin. After receiving tribute from the men of
Connaught, O'Donnell marched to Dublin, and compelled the people to
banish Murray to Scotland. Here he remained until he had composed three
poems in praise of O'Donnell, imploring peace and forgiveness. He was
then pardoned, and so far received into favour as to obtain a grant of
land and other possessions.

The Irish bishops were, as usual, in constant intercourse with Rome.
Several prelates attended the fourth General Council of Lateran, in
1215. The Annals give the obituaries of some saintly men, whose lives
redeemed the age from the character for barbarity, which its secular
literature would seem to justify. Amongst these we find the obituary of
Catholicus O'Duffy, in 1201; of Uaireirghe, "one of the noble sages of
Clonmacnois, a man full of the love of God and of every virtue;" of Con
O'Melly, Bishop of Annaghdown, "a transparently bright gem of the
Church;" of Donnell O'Brollaghan, "a prior, a noble senior, a sage,
illustrious for his intelligence;" and of many others. A great number of
monasteries were also founded, especially by the Anglo-Normans, who
appear to have had periodical fits of piety, after periodical
temptations to replenish their coffers out of their neighbours'
property. We may not quite judge their reparations as altogether
insincere; for surely some atonement for evil deeds is better than an
utter recklessness of future punishment.

Henry III. succeeded his father, John, while only in his tenth year.
William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, was appointed protector of the
kingdom and the King. The young monarch was hastily crowned at Bristol,
with one of his mother's golden bracelets. Had the wise and good Earl
lived to administer affairs for a longer period, it would have been a
blessing to both countries. Geoffrey de Marisco still continued Governor
of Ireland. Affairs in England were in an extremely critical position.
The profligate Isabella had returned to her first husband, Hugh de
Lusignan, whom she had before forsaken for King John. Gloucester,
London, and Kent, were in the hands of the Dauphin of France. Some few
acts of justice to Ireland were the result; but when justice is only
awarded from motives of fear or interest, it becomes worse than
worthless as a mode of conciliation. Such justice, however, as was
granted, only benefited the Anglo-Norman settlers; the "mere Irish" were
a race devoted to plunder and extermination.

In consequence of complaints from the English barons in Ireland, a
modified form of Magna Charta was granted to them, and a general amnesty
was proclaimed, with special promises of reparation to the nobles whom
John had oppressed. Hugh de Lacy was also pardoned and recalled; but it
was specially provided that the Irish should have no share in such
favours; and the Viceroy was charged to see that no native of the
country obtained cathedral preferment. This piece of injustice was
annulled through the interference of Pope Honorius III.

In 1217 the young King, or rather his advisers, sent the Archbishop of
Dublin to that city to levy a "tallage," or tax, for the royal benefit.
The Archbishop and the Justiciary were directed to represent to the
"Kings of Ireland," and the barons holding directly from the crown, that
their liberality would not be forgotten; but neither the politeness of
the address[320] nor the benevolence of the promises were practically
appreciated, probably because neither were believed to be sincere, and
the King's coffers were not much replenished.

Arrangements were now made defining the powers of the Viceroy or
Justiciary. The earliest details on this subject are embodied in an
agreement between Henry III. and Geoffrey de Marisco, sealed at Oxford,
in March, 1220, in presence of the Papal Legate, the Archbishop of
Dublin, and many of the nobility.

By these regulations the Justiciary was bound to account in the
Exchequer of Dublin for all taxes and aids received in Ireland for the
royal purse. He was to defray all expenses for the maintenance of the
King's castles and lands out of the revenues. In fact, the people of the
country were taxed, either directly or indirectly, for the support of
the invaders. The King's castles were to be kept by loyal and proper
constables, who were obliged to give hostages. Indeed, so little faith
had the English kings in the loyalty of their own subjects, that the
Justiciary himself was obliged to give a hostage as security for his own
behaviour. Neither does the same Viceroy appear to have benefited trade,
for he is accused of exacting wine, clothing, and victuals, without
payment, from the merchants of Dublin.

In 1221 the Archbishop of Dublin, Henry de Londres, was made Governor.
He obtained the name of "Scorch Villain," from having cast into the fire
the leases of the tenants of his see, whom he had cited to produce these
documents in his court. The enraged landholders attacked the attendants,
and laid hands on the Archbishop, who was compelled to do them justice
from fear of personal violence. When such was the mode of government
adopted by English officials, we can scarcely wonder that the people of
Ireland have not inherited very ardent feelings of loyalty and devotion
to the crown and constitution of that country.

Such serious complaints were made of the unjust Governor, that Henry was
at last obliged to check his rapacity. Probably, he was all the more
willing to do so, in consequence of some encroachments on the royal

After the death of the Earl of Pembroke, who had obtained the pardon of
Hugh de Lacy, a feud arose between the latter and the son of his former
friend. In consequence of this quarrel, all Meath was ravaged, Hugh
O'Neill having joined De Lacy in the conflict.

Some of the Irish chieftains now tried to obtain protection from the
rapacity of the Anglo-Norman barons, by paying an annual stipend to the
crown; but the crown, though graciously pleased to accept anything which
might be offered, still held to its royal prerogative of disposing of
Irish property as appeared most convenient to royal interests. Though
Cathal Crovderg had made arrangements with Henry III., at an immense
sacrifice, to secure his property, that monarch accepted his money, but,
nevertheless, bestowed the whole province of Connaught shortly after on
Richard de Burgo.

Crovderg had retired into a Franciscan monastery at Knockmoy, which he
had founded, and there he was interred nobly and honourably. After his
death there were no less than three claimants for his dignity. De Burgo
claimed it in right of the royal gift; Hugh Cathal claimed it as heir to
his father, Crovderg; Turlough claimed it for the love of fighting,
inherent in the Celtic race; and a general guerilla warfare was carried
on by the three parties, to the utter ruin of each individual. For the
next ten years the history of the country is the history of deadly feuds
between the native princes, carefully fomented by the English settlers,
whose interest it was to make them exterminate each other.

The quarrel for the possession of Connaught began in the year 1225. The
Anglo-Normans had a large army at Athlone, and Hugh Cathal went to claim
their assistance. The Lord Justice put himself at the head of the army;
they marched into Connaught, and soon became masters of the situation.
Roderic's sons at once submitted, but only to bide their time. During
these hostilities the English of Desmond, and O'Brien, a Thomond prince,
assisted by the Sheriff of Cork, invaded the southern part of Connaught
for the sake of plunder. In the previous year, 1224, "the corn remained
unreaped until the festival of St. Brigid [1st Feb.], when the ploughing
was going on." A famine also occurred, and was followed by severe
sickness. Well might the friar historian exclaim: "Woeful was the
misfortune which God permitted to fall upon the west province in Ireland
at that time; for the young warriors did not spare each other, but
preyed and plundered to the utmost of their power. Women and children,
the feeble and the lowly poor, perished by cold and famine in this

O'Neill had inaugurated Turlough at Carnfree.[322] He appears to have
been the most popular claimant. The northern chieftains then returned
home. As soon as the English left Connaught, Turlough again revolted.
Hugh Cathal recalled his allies; and the opposite party, finding their
cause hopeless, joined him in such numbers that Roderic's sons fled for
refuge to Hugh O'Neill. The Annals suggest that the English might well
respond when called on, "for their spirit was fresh, and their struggle
trifling." Again we find it recorded that the corn remained unreaped
until after the festival of St. Brigid. The wonder is, not that the
harvest was not gathered in, but that there was any harvest to gather.

Soon after these events, Hugh O'Connor was captured by his English
allies, and would have been sacrificed to their vengeance on some
pretence, had not Earl Marshal rescued him by force of arms. He escorted
him out of the court, and brought him safely to Connaught; but his son
and daughter remained in the hands of the English. Hugh soon found an
opportunity of retaliating. A conference was appointed to take place
near Athlone,[323] between him and William de Marisco, son of the Lord
Justice. When in sight of the English knights, the Irish prince rushed
on William, and seized him, while his followers captured his attendants,
one of whom, the Constable of Athlone, was killed in the fray. Hugh then
proceeded to plunder and burn the town, and to rescue his son and
daughter, and some Connaught chieftains.

At the close of the year 1227, Turlough again took arms. The English had
found it their convenience to change sides, and assisted him with all
their forces. Probably they feared the brave Hugh, and were jealous of
the very power they had helped him to obtain. Hugh Roderic attacked the
northern districts, with Richard de Burgo. Turlough Roderic marched to
the peninsula of Rindown, with the Viceroy. Hugh Crovderg had a narrow
escape near the Curlieu Mountains, where his wife was captured by the
English. The following year he appears to have been reconciled to the
Lord Deputy, for he was killed in his house by an Englishman, in revenge
for a liberty he had taken with a woman.[324]

As usual, on the death of Hugh O'Connor, the brothers who had fought
against him now fought against each other. The Saxon certainly does not
deserve the credit of all our national miseries. If there had been a
little less home dissension, there would have been a great deal less
foreign oppression. The English, however, helped to foment the discord.
The Lord Justice took part with Hugh, the younger brother, who was
supported by the majority of the Connaught men, although Turlough had
already been inaugurated by O'Neill. A third competitor now started up;
this was Felim brother to Hugh O'Connor. Some of the chieftains declared
that they would not serve a prince who acknowledged English rule, and
obliged Hugh to renounce his allegiance. But this question was settled
with great promptitude. Richard de Burgo took the field, desolated the
country—if, indeed, there was anything left to desolate—killed Donn
Oge Mageraghty, their bravest champion, expelled Hugh, and proclaimed

The reign of this prince was of short duration. In 1231 he was taken
prisoner at Meelick, despite the most solemn guarantees, by the very man
who had so lately enthroned him. Hugh was reinstated, but before the end
of the year Felim was released. He now assembled his forces again, and
attacked Hugh, whom he killed, with several of his relations, and many
English and Irish chieftains. His next exploit was to demolish the
castles of Galway; Dunannon, on the river Suck, Roscommon; Hags' Castle,
on Lough Mask; and Castle Rich, on Lough Corrib; all of which had been
erected by Roderic's sons and their English allies. But the tide of
fortune soon turned. The invincible De Burgo entered Connaught once
more, and plundered without mercy. In a pitched battle the English
gained the day, principally through the skill of their cavalry[325] and
the protection of their coats-of-mail.

Felim fled to the north, and sought refuge with O'Donnell of
Tir-Connell. O'Flaherty, who had always been hostile to Felim, joined
the English, and, by the help of his boats, they were able to lay waste
the islands of Clew Bay. Nearly all the inhabitants were killed or
carried off. The victorious forces now laid siege to a castle[326] on
the Rock of Lough Key, in Roscommon, which was held for O'Connor by Mac
Dermod. They succeeded in taking it, but soon lost their possession by
the quick-witted cleverness of an Irish soldier, who closed the gates on
them when they set out on a plundering expedition. The fortress was at
once demolished, that it might not fall into English hands again.

When William Pembroke died, A.D. 1231, he bequeathed his offices and
large estates in England and Ireland to his brother, Richard, who is
described by the chroniclers as a model of manly beauty. Henry III.
prohibited his admission to the inheritance, and charged him with
treason. The Earl escaped to Ireland, and took possession of the lands
and castles of the family, waging war upon the King until his rights
were acknowledged. In 1232 Henry had granted the Justiciary of England
and of Ireland, with other valuable privileges, to Hubert de Burgo. Earl
Richard supported him against the adventurers from Poitou and Bretagne,
on whom the weak King had begun to lavish his favours. The Parliament
and the barons remonstrated, and threatened to dethrone Henry, if he
persevered in being governed by foreigners. And well they might; for one
of these needy men, Pierre de Rivaulx, had obtained a grant for life of
nearly every office and emolument in Ireland; amongst others, we find
mention of "the vacant sees, and the Jews in Ireland." Henry did his
best to get his own views carried out; but Earl Richard leagued with the
Welsh princes, and expelled the intruders from the towns and castles in
that part of the country.

The King's foreign advisers determined to destroy their great enemy as
speedily as possible. Their plain was deeply laid. They despatched
letters to Ireland, signed by twelve privy counsellors, requiring the
Viceroy and barons to seize his castles, bribing them with a promise of
a share in his lands. The wily Anglo-Normans demanded a charter,
specifying which portion of his property each individual should have.
They obtained the document, signed with the royal seal, which had been
purloined for the occasion from the Chancellor. The Anglo-Normans acted
with detestable dissimulation. Geoffrey de Marisco tried to worm himself
into the confidence of the man on whose destruction he was bent. On the
1st of April, 1232, a conference was arranged to take place on the
Curragh of Kildare. The Viceroy was accompanied by De Lacy, De Burgo,
and a large number of soldiers and mercenaries. The Earl was attended by
a few knights and the false De Marisco. He declined to comply with the
demands of the barons, who refused to restore his castles. The
treacherous De Marisco withdrew from him at this moment, and he suddenly
found himself overpowered by numbers. With the thoughtfulness of true
heroism, he ordered some of his attendants to hasten away with his young
brother, Walter. Nearly all his retainers had been bribed to forsake him
in the moment of danger; and now that the few who obeyed his last
command were gone, he had to contend single-handed with the multitude.
His personal bravery was not a little feared, and the coward barons, who
were either afraid or ashamed to attack him individually, urged on their
soldiers, until he was completely surrounded. The Earl laid prostrate
six of his foes, clove one knight to the middle, and struck off the
hands of another, before he was captured. At last the soldiers aimed at
the feet of his spirited steed, until they were cut off, and by this
piece of cruelty brought its rider to the ground. A treacherous stab
from behind, with a long knife, plunged to the haft in his back,
completed the bloody work.

The Earl was borne off, apparently lifeless, to one of his own castles,
which had been seized by the Viceroy. It is said that even his surgeon
was bribed to prevent his recovery. Before submitting his wounds to the
necessary treatment, he prepared for death, and received the last
sacraments. He died calmly and immediately, clasping a crucifix, on Palm
Sunday, the sixteenth day after his treacherous capture. And thus
expired the "flower of chivalry," and the grandson of Strongbow, the
very man to whom England owed so much of her Irish possessions.

It could not fail to be remarked by the Irish annalists, that the first
Anglo-Norman settlers had been singularly unfortunate. They can scarcely
be blamed for supposing that these misfortunes were a judgment for their
crimes. Before the middle of this century (the thirteenth) three of the
most important families had become extinct. De Lacy, Lord of Meath, died
in 1241, infirm and blind; his property was inherited by his
grand-daughters, in default of a male heir. Hugh de Lacy died in 1240,
and left only a daughter. The Earl of Pembroke died from wounds received
at a tournament. Walter, who succeeded him, also died without issue. The
property came eventually to Anselm, a younger brother, who also died
childless; and it was eventually portioned out among the females of the

It is said Henry III. expressed deep grief when he heard of Earl
Richard's unfortunate end, and that he endeavoured to have restitution
made to the family. Geoffrey de Marisco was banished. His son, William,
conspired against the King, and even employed an assassin to kill him.
The man would have probably accomplished his purpose, had he not been
discovered accidentally by one of the Queen's maids, hid under the straw
of the royal bed. The real traitor was eventually captured, drawn at
horses' tails to London, and hanged with the usual barbarities.

His miserable father, who had been thrice Viceroy of Ireland, and a peer
of that country and of England, died in exile, "pitifully, yet
undeserving of pity, for his own treason against the unfortunate Earl
Richard, and his son's treason against the King." Such were the men who
governed Ireland in the thirteenth century.

Treachery seems to have been the recognized plan of capturing an enemy.
In 1236 this method was attempted by the government in order to get
Felim O'Connor into their power. He was invited to attend a meeting in
Athlone, but, fortunately for himself, he discovered the designs of his
enemies time enough to effect his escape. He was pursued to Sligo. From
thence he fled to Tir-Connell, which appears to have been the Cave of
Adullam in that era; though there were so many discontented persons, and
it was so difficult to know which party any individual would espouse
continuously, that the Adullamites were tolerably numerous. Turlough's
son, Brian O'Connor, was now invested with the government of Connaught
by the English, until some more promising candidate should appear. But
even their support failed to enable him to keep the field. Felim[327] returned the following year, and after defeating the soldiers of the
Lord Justice, made Brian's people take to flight so effectually, that
none of Roderic's descendants ever again attempted even to possess their
ancestral lands.

The Four Masters have the following graphic entry under the year 1236:
"Heavy rains, harsh weather, and much war prevailed in this year." The
Annals of Kilronan also give a fearful account of the wars, the weather,
and the crimes. They mention that Brian's people burned the church of
Imlagh Brochada over the heads of O'Flynn's people, while it was full of
women, children, and nuns, and had three priests in it. There were so
many raids on cows, that the unfortunate animals must have had a
miserable existence. How a single cow survived the amount of driving
hither and thither they endured, considering their natural love of ease
and contemplative habits, is certainly a mystery. In the year 1238, the
Annals mention that the English erected castles in Connaught,
principally in the territory from which the O'Flahertys had been
expelled. This family, however, became very powerful in that part of the
country in which they now settled.

As Connaught had been fairly depopulated, and its kings and princes
nearly annihilated, the English turned their attention to Ulster, where
they wished to play the same game. The Lord Justice and Hugh de Lacy led
an army thither, and deposed MacLoughlin, giving the government to
O'Neill's son; but MacLoughlin obtained rule again, after a battle
fought the following year at Carnteel.

In 1240 the King of Connaught went to England to complain personally of
De Burgo's oppressions and exactions; but his mission, as might be
expected, was fruitless, although he was received courteously, and the
King wrote to the Lord Justice "to pluck out by the root that fruitless
sycamore, De Burgo, which the Earl of Kent, in the insolence of his
power, hath planted in these parts." However, we find that Henry was
thankful to avail himself of the services of the "fruitless sycamore"
only two years after, in an expedition against the King of France. He
died on the voyage to Bourdeaux, and was succeeded by his son, Walter.
In 1241 More O'Donnell, Lord of Tir-Connell, died in Assaroe, in the
monastic habit. In 1244 Felim O'Connor and some Irish chieftains
accompanied the then Viceroy, FitzGerald, to Wales, where Henry had
requested their assistance.

The King was nearly starved out, the Irish reinforcements were long in
coming over, and the delay was visited on the head of the unfortunate
Justiciary, who was deprived of his office. John de Marisco was
appointed in his place.